The responsibility of our navy

The Russian invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022 taught us three things in no uncertain terms.

Firstly, we are in the midst of a global clash of systems: Democracy, the rule of law and individual freedoms are pitted against autocracy and dictatorship with censorship, surveillance and repression. Our social model and our fundamental values pose a direct threat to autocrats and dictators. We are therefore on the way to a quasi-bipolar world order of two camps with China and Russia on the one side and the Western community of values on the other.

Secondly, Europe is currently not in a position to prevent military aggression on its own continent, let alone successfully put an end to it. And thirdly, NATO is experiencing an unexpected renaissance as a system of collective security. Transatlantic solidarity based on the principle of "one for all and all for one" has returned.

When our naval forces were reorganised after the Second World War, they were in an alliance with the major naval powers right from the start. We have repeatedly assumed responsibility as an allied navy. The most recent visible sign of this was the increased deployment of our units in the Baltic Sea and in NATO's standing task forces immediately after the start of Russian aggression against Ukraine.

Those of us who experienced our first maritime socialisation during the Cold War know that national and alliance defence was always coupled with a credible deterrent. Credible deterrence has by no means lost its importance in the context of today's re-prioritised national and alliance defence. In addition to the ability to engage in multidimensional naval warfare, this includes the personnel and material readiness of our units and formations, their availability and logistical sustainability as well as secure, efficient means of communication and command and control.

Russia's war in Ukraine has also begun to change the geography of the Baltic Sea. Countries such as Finland and Sweden, which had previously maintained neutrality in terms of security policy, are now endeavouring to come under the NATO umbrella as quickly as possible. This would make them part of the Alliance's territory. The German Navy therefore has a responsibility to provide Sweden and Finland with the best possible support on their way into the Alliance. With the Baltic Commanders Conference and the maritime command staff with multinational participation German Maritime Forces (Deu Marfor), we have two important instruments that we can utilise.

The transatlantic routes remain the maritime umbilical cord that connects us with the USA and Canada. They are threatened by the highly armed military forces of the Russian Northern Fleet in the Arctic. Climate change has made the Arctic sea routes navigable and thus militarily usable. China and its rapidly growing navy are rumoured to have ambitions to establish themselves permanently as a military and economic power in this region of the world with the help of Russian bases, another arm of the new Silk Road. This also needs to be taken into account in the strategic calculations of the German Navy.
Solidarity among allies must not be a one-way street. The USA, but also its European partners in NATO, face the enormous challenge of defending the law-based order at sea against the law of the jungle. A network of allies in the Indo-Pacific should help to overcome these challenges vis-à-vis China. Since the recent deployment of the frigate Bayern in that region of the world, the question of the role of the German navy has been increasingly raised. Here, too, we will have to provide answers as a country and as a navy. The prerequisite is to be familiar with the sea area through a sustainable development of expertise.
This leaves the deployment in international crisis management, which continues to enjoy a high political priority. Modern and efficient naval forces are required for all of these tasks. The right course has been set here with last year's armaments decisions, the special fund of 100 billion euros and a strengthened defence budget for the Bundeswehr. Now the train of implementation must pick up speed quickly.

Former Rear Admiral Thorsten Kähler is Chairman of the Naval Officers' Association.

Thorsten Kähler